Game Theory: A Simple Strategy That Will Change Your Life Forever
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You’re twenty-three years old. You just moved into a modest two-bedroom apartment
with a roommate—a neutral acquaintance you’re splitting costs and responsibilities with. To
ensure everything is fair and cordial, you both establish who does what in the apartment—when and
who takes out the trash, cleans the floors and counters, does the dishes, and so on.
You determine you’ll each do the dishes once a week. You take Sunday. They take Wednesday.
Soon, the first Sunday comes around, and, as planned, you do the dishes. Then the first
Wednesday comes, and your roommate does them. This continues for a couple of weeks. Then,
on one Wednesday, after coming home late from work, you find the dishes piled up in the sink.
You don’t say anything. In your generous nature, you assume it’s a one-off thing,
and your roommate will just do them the next day. When that Sunday comes, however, the pile of
dishes is twice as high, spilling out of the sink and onto the surrounding countertop. They
never did them. You want to tell your roommate that they should do the dishes today, but they
aren’t home—and haven’t been all day. And so, you do them. This keeps things on schedule anyway.
When the following Wednesday comes, your roommate does the dishes. All is well and
back to normal. That is until the following Wednesday, when again, late into the evening,
you find the sink filled with dishes. You go to your roommate and ask them what’s going on. They
assure they will do them. You accept this. The next day, however, the dishes are still there,
pilled even higher. And then the next day. And the next day. You realize there’s a problem.
When that Sunday comes, you wonder what you should do. Do the dishes or leave the already
giant pile to grow bigger? What precedent have you set? What precedent will you set?
Can you reset things? What if you don’t do the dishes, and then your roommate still doesn’t
do them? The kitchen will remain a constant mess. Alternatively, what if you do do them,
and soon you’re always doing them every time? Who are you dealing with here, and how can you
deal with them most effectively? You wonder what decision—based on what strategy—you should make.
*** This is a version of a famous thought experiment
in game theory known as the prisoner’s dilemma—a situation where two people would be better off
cooperating, but each person has some incentive to go against the other. In both not cooperating,
however, both end up worse off. In this case, the individual incentive is not spending time doing
the dishes. The outcome is either a messy kitchen and messy roommate situation or a clean one.
Broadly, game theory is the mathematical study of decision making and strategies in situations
where outcomes depend on others’ choices. More specifically, it examines the nature and effects
of how conflict and cooperation among rational decision-makers can lead to optimal or suboptimal
payoffs. In essence, it is a science of strategy. In social situations, in business, in economics,
and in politics—in every interaction—whether between as little as two people or as many as
nations, decisions are constantly being made that affect everyone involved. As individuals
and collectives, we each possess the power to not only change our own circumstances but also
the circumstances of others—of the world. These decisions and their outcomes can be as benign as
who does the dishes in an apartment to as critical as whether a country and its citizens survive.
Game theory suggests that every decision made with a particular aim can, in principle, be represented
and understood as a mathematical model. In other words, with a clear goal and defined constraints,
a rationally right choice can always be determined. More yet, an optimal strategy
can be determined across multiple choices. And through various computer programs and simulations,
researchers in the field of game theory have actually found a strategy (or an approach and
temperament) that, under many conditions in society and nature, has proven to consistently
be extremely effective. And surprising to many in the field, the strategy is profoundly simple. Even
more compelling, it is hopeful. It is something that each of us can apply to our own lives.
Before going any further, it’s important to note that in the context of game theory, a “game” is
not how we conventionally think of one—though it can also include traditional games. Rather,
“game” simply refers to any interaction that occurs between multiple decision-makers,
where the outcome and payoff of the interaction for each individual depends on the choices made
by the others. This can include games like chess and poker, but it also includes nearly everything
else. Of course, not literally everything—but all direct interactions that occur between
individuals or groups that involve competition or cooperation, where there is a mutually affected
outcome. And this is almost everything. Importantly, however, game theory does
delineate two types of interactions (or games): cooperative and non-cooperative. Cooperative
game theory includes dynamics like players on the same sports team, roommates (in theory),
business partnerships, as well as international alliances and trade agreements. In these cases,
goals are shared, resources and information are often freely exchanged, and fairness and mutual
benefit is both implied and actively pursued. Non-cooperative game theory, however,
is far more prevalent in the world—and arguably much more interesting. In non-cooperative games,
there are typically winners and losers, as players act independently in their own interests, making
choices intentionally to benefit themselves, potentially at the expense of their opponents.
This sort of non-cooperative dynamic and tension is often used and simplistically
reproduced in game shows. For example, in the late-2000s British game show Golden Balls,
two strangers would sit across from each other and decide whether they wanted to split or steal
a large sum of money with the other person. Each persons’ choice directly affected whether either
individual got any money and how much, but neither would know the other’s final choice
until it was revealed and locked in. If both chose to split, they shared the money equally. If one
chose to split, and the other chose to steal, the one who chose to steal got all the money,
and the other person got nothing. If both chose to steal, neither person got anything.
In these sorts of one-off situations, where one can either split or steal–cooperate or defect—game
theory shows us that there is a clear rational choice. What is known as the dominant strategy
refers to a choice that provides a player with the best results no matter what the other player does.
And this is always the most rational choice to make. The choice is not about what could
lead to the best possible outcome, but about choosing for the best outcome no matter what
the other person decides to do—since you have no control over that. And so, in Golden Balls,
the most rational thing to do would be to always steal. This is because if one person splits,
then the other person does better by stealing. If one person steals, again, the other person,
in a sense, does better by stealing, because they get the same amount as splitting (zero),
but are not manipulated or exploited by the other person. Technically, this is what game
theorists would call a weakly dominant strategy, since the literal payoff in this later situation
would be equal to splitting, rather than better. Of course, however, life is not a gameshow.
Interactions are almost never one-offs without lingering, continued effects. Decisions are rarely
as simple as splitting or stealing, and outcomes are rarely as simple as half, all, or zero. In
real life, there is almost always a much greater interplay with time, repeated interactions,
uncertainty, leverage, and resources. If someone does or doesn’t do the dishes once,
that game is not over. The relationship and space are and can be either benefited or strained,
moving forward. When a business smears or partners with another business, that game is not over.
Retaliation or a growth in resources can and will likely follow. When a country attacks, retaliates,
or allies with another, that game is not over. Wars can begin or end. Nations can begin or end.
With all this in mind, what is the most effective decision-making strategy (or approach and
temperament) in life in general. Is there one? In 1980, political scientist Robert Axelrod set
out to test and answer this very question. Using computer programs to model different
decision-making strategies, Axelrod orchestrated an experiment. He had leading theorists from
various disciplines and places around the world create and submit programs that would
compete in a tournament of an iterated version of the prisoner’s dilemma. The
goal was to submit the best strategy and win. The rules of the tournament were simple. Each
player (or program) played a single game against every other player—as well as a copy of itself.
In each game, each player had the option to either cooperate with or defect against their opponent.
If both players cooperated, they both received three points. If one cooperated and the other
defected, the player who defected received five points, and the player who cooperated
received zero. If both defected, both received one point. Each individual game contained 200
rounds. The player with the most points by the end of all the matchups in the tournament won.
In total, fourteen programs were submitted—and then Axelrod added one that defected or cooperated
at random, with a 50% probability each round. Most of the submitted strategies began with
cooperation, while others began with early defections. Some players were complex and
calculating, probing for weakness and then exploiting it—like a program called Graaskamp.
Some mixed in random moves to utilize confusion and surprise–like a program called Joss. Others
were far more straightforward. Together, the programs spanned from what Axelrod referred
to as simple and nice to cunning and nasty. After the tournament concluded, Axelrod, along
with many other game theorists, found the results profoundly surprising. He ran the whole tournament
again, five times over, to ensure the results were dependable and repeatable. Each time, the results
were consistent, and the same winner emerged: a program called tit-for-tat, which was one of the
simplest and most cooperative programs of all. To further elevate the complexity and better
mirror real-world circumstances, Axelrod conducted a second tournament. This time, there was no
defined number of total rounds per game. With it now being a random, unknown number, players could
no longer track and calibrate their decisions against a defined endgame. Just like reality.
This time, sixty-two program strategies were submitted—and again, Axelrod added one that
was random. The results were very consistent to the first tournament. Again, tit-for-tat won.
Axelrod and many other game theorists found this extremely surprising because the expectation was
that the winning strategy would be either highly complex, highly competitive, or both
(i.e. cunning and nasty). And yet, tit-for-tat was generally simple, nice, and forgiving.
In terms of specific gameplay, tit-for-tat always starts with cooperation. From there,
it always copies its opponent’s last move. And so, it continues to cooperate unless or until
its opponent defects. At that point, tit-for-tat immediately defects back and continues to do so
unless or until its opponent cooperates again. As soon as its opponent cooperates again, tit-for-tat
then forgives (or no longer accounts for previous moves) and returns to cooperating unless or until
its opponent defects. So on and so forth. Interestingly, the results of this strategy
equated to tit-for-tat never winning any individual games, since one-on-one,
it can only lose or draw. But across all match ups and games, it cooperated with
enough other players to consistently end up with the highest score overall and win the tournament.
Axelrod writes in The Evolution of Cooperation: What accounts for TIT FOR TAT’s robust success
is its combination of being nice, retaliatory, forgiving, and clear. Its niceness prevents it
from getting into unnecessary trouble. Its retaliation discourages the other side from
persisting whenever defection is tried. Its forgiveness helps restore mutual cooperation.
And its clarity makes it intelligible to the other player, thereby eliciting long-term cooperation.
Moreover, almost all top performing players in the tournaments shared in these similar
qualities. And in later simulations with even more realistic, chaotic conditions,
a more generous version of tit-for-tat, that occasionally forgave defections instead of
reciprocating them, proved to be even more effective. Nasty players, on the other hand,
seemed to often find themselves in defecting wars that lead to mutual destruction. Axelrod says:
“What makes it possible for cooperation to emerge is the fact that the players might meet again.”
The takeaway from this is reasonable clear. In continued non-cooperative, competitive
interactions—like these tournaments—it is often beneficial to, at the very least, try to be nice.
To lead with niceness and cooperation. This is not a weakness, but a strength. Conversely,
an individual who often leads with or insights defection is more likely to weaken itself
and lose over time—even if it initially appears as if they are winning. Moreover,
holding grudges is a weakness; forgiveness is a strength. Of course, however, weakness itself is
a weakness. That is, letting someone do you wrong without consequence will lead to being
taken advantage of and losing. One’s approach to exacting consequence, however, is also important:
it must be relatively equal, consistent, and clear, not opaque and manipulative.
From a moral and historical perspective, the winning tit-for-tat strategy essentially mirrors
an eye-for-an-eye ethos. That is, justice and punishment should be proportional to the harm
caused by an offense, but after proportional consequence, balance and cooperation can and
should be restored. On a more individual level, it essentially equates to being kind, forthright,
and understanding, but never a push-over. Of course, there are problems and limitations
both with Axelrod’s experiment as well as game theory in general. Programs, simulations,
and theories can arguably never truly reproduce, model, or assess the true scale and complexity of
real-world interactions. Real interactions often involve many people and many issues;
many perspectives, many goals; shifting ideas and opportunities; asymmetric leverage and resources;
known and unknown information; vast errors and chaos; and, perhaps most importantly, they involve
the very emotional, sentimental, spiteful, and irrational nature of the human mind. As humans, we
feel and hope and believe at least as much as if not more than we assess, calculate, and execute.
Ultimately, however, game theory teaches us many important things. Perhaps one of the most
important being is that every interaction and game is not always about winning.
A strategy always focused on winning can actually be the least effective at winning overall—whereas
one less focused on always winning can, over the long term, win. If we want to truly be
successful across various areas of life, there are going to be—need to be—many instances of draws
and losses. But so long as we continue forward with each new moment and each new interaction,
open and willing to try again, ensuring we stand up for ourselves and hold true to our values,
while striving to meet and unite with the world around us, we can steadily and surely
move toward bigger, more important wins—wins of cooperation, kindness, and mutual benefit.
We can never truly know or control if people will cooperate or defect with us, but we can know and
control if we will and why. And we can know that each decision we make will likely influence the
nature and outcome of all the games in which we participate—present and future—potentially making
or breaking relationships, goals, systems, or even society and the planet. And so,
at least for starters, for own sake, when our day comes, let’s be sure we do the dishes.
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