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Why Iran’s Protests Feel Different This Time

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For nearly the past three weeks,

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protests have been rumbling on in Iran.

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Originally triggered by a decline in

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Iran's currency, the real, the protests

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have since spiraled out into a wider

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push for regime change. Unsurprisingly,

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they've been met with a brutal response

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from Iran security services, and at

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least 500 people have already been

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killed. Although accurate estimates are

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hard to come by given the ongoing

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internet blackout. But despite the

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bloodshed, the protests have been

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accompanied by an optimistic sense that

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even if it doesn't happen imminently,

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the regime's demise really does feel

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inevitable. So, in this video, we're

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going to explain why today's protests

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feel different to their predecessors and

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what might happen next.

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We sometimes make mistakes in our

0:50

videos, and when we do, we think it's

0:52

really important for us to be as open

0:54

and transparent as possible. That's why

0:57

we have a fortnightly podcast called The

0:58

Editorial, where we respond to your

1:00

criticisms, answer your questions, and

1:02

explain what we got wrong. Watch the

1:04

show by clicking the link in the

1:05

description. So, let's get straight into

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it. The first sense in which these

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protests feel different is they seem to

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enjoy remarkably widespread support

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across Iran. For context, previous waves

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of protests were often driven by

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particular factions or sections of

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Iranian society. The 2019 protests, for

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instance, were driven by poorer Iranians

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who were particularly upset at a

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reduction in fuel subsidies, while the

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2021 protests were driven by Iranians

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living in regions that were more acutely

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affected by water shortages, including

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most notably Kazan. Even the 2022

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protests, which were triggered by the

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killing of Mzeramini at the hands of

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Iran's so-called morality police and did

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spiral out into wider anti-regime

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protests, were originally driven by more

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liberal elements of Iranian society,

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especially in big cities like Tyran.

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This essentially allowed the Islamic

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Republic to stem the protest by making

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targeted concessions. After the 2019

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protest, for instance, they introduced a

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new subsidy for poorer households. In

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2021, they redirected the water back to

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Kazan, exacerbating water shortages in

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other regions, but stemming the

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immediate unrest. And since the 2022

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protest, the regime has relaxed

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enforcement of some of its more odious

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morality laws. Women are no longer

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required to wear the hijab, at least in

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big cities like Tyran. Public art and

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performances aren't uncommon, and there

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are even a couple of bars serving

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alcohol, which would have been

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unimaginable only a few years ago. To be

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clear, we're definitely not saying Tyran

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is some sort of liberal paradise, but

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the regime has quietly permitted some

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degree of social liberalization. Anyway,

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you get the idea. Previous protests were

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led by specific factions of Iranian

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society, which meant the regime could at

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least partly appease the protesters by

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making concessions in specific areas.

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These protests, however, seem to enjoy

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pretty widespread and even support

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across Iranian society. They're squarely

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aimed at toppling the regime and they're

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happening pretty evenly across the

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entire country in both rural and urban

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areas. So why do these protests enjoy

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more widespread support than previous

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protests? Well, as we see it, there are

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two obvious reasons. The first is Iran's

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all-encompassing economic crisis, which

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was actually the proximate trigger of

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these protests, which began amongst

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merchants in Iran's bizaars after the

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central bank allowed a massive

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depreciation of Iran's currency. For

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context, Iran has been suffering through

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a slow burning economic crisis since at

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least 2018 when Trump withdrew from the

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Iran nuclear deal or the JCPOA and

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imposed further sanctions as part of his

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maximum pressure campaign against the

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regime. Since then, year-on-year

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inflation has averaged at about 30%. And

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the real has consistently depreciated.

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But the crisis has become particularly

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acute in the past year or so. Both

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because of Iran's war with Israel and

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the US and because of the recent fall in

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global oil prices, which has been

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particularly bad for Iran, given oil

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revenues account for a majority of its

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foreign currency earnings. Iran is now

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mired in a deep recession with the World

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Bank forecasting a contraction of 1.7%

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in 2025 and then 2.8% in 2026.

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At the same time, inflation has risen in

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recent months, peaking at a new high of

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about 50% in October. Unsurprisingly,

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this combination of recession and

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inflation, all exacerbated by chronic

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corruption in government, has hurt

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basically every Iranian household, which

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is why these protests enjoy support

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across the economic spectrum in Iran.

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The second reason that these protests

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enjoy widespread support, which we

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mentioned in our previous video on this

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topic, is that the regime has been

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strategically embarrassed. The Ayatollah

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and his clerical cronies used to justify

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much of their political and economic

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repression on the grounds that this was

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all necessary to protect Iran against

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Israel andor the US. But they've utterly

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failed in this respect. Iran's proxy

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network, which was supposed to deter

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Israel or the US from a direct attack on

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Iran, has fallen apart. Iran's main

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regional ally, Syrian dictator Bashar

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al-Assad, was suddenly ousted a year and

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a bit ago, and Iran's military was

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unable to defend against the Israeli and

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American air assault we saw last year.

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This strategic failure was very visible

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to ordinary Iranians. Israeli missiles

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were literally landing in Thran while

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the Ayatollah was hiding in a bunker.

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This means that the regime no longer has

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the excuse it once did for exercising

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its repressive apparatus and there

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aren't many Iranians defending the

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regime on pragmatic or strategic grounds

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anymore. So that's the first way in

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which these protests feel different.

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They do seem to enjoy wider and more

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even support than usual. The second way

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in which they feel different is that

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they're coming on the back of the regime

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making certain concessions. We mentioned

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this a minute ago, but after the 2022

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Maza Amini protests, the regime quietly

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made a number of concessions, including

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most notably permitting a degree of

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social liberalization, something they'd

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previously refused to even countenance.

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This was clearly in the hopes of

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appeasing more liberal-minded Iranians,

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but history suggests that once they

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start making concessions, autocratic

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regimes are usually on their way out.

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Most obviously, Mikuel Gorbachev's

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policies of Glasnos and Peristroka,

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essentially concessions to a Soviet

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public demanding more freedom, preceded

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the collapse of the Soviet Union, by

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barely a couple of years. Similarly, in

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East Germany, the GDR legalized certain

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opposition groups and relaxed its trade

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and travel restrictions in late 1989,

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only months before the fall of the

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Berlin Wall. The third way in which

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these protests feel different is there's

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more focus on candidates who might

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succeed the Ayatollah especially the

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eldest son of the last sha Razer Palavi

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who is a polarizing but singular figure

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amongst the Iranian opposition. This is

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not to say that Palavi is likely to

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succeed the Ayatollah. He lives in the

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US without a ground game in Iran. But

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his apparent relevance reflects both the

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fact that the protests are squarely

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focused on toppling the regime and that

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it feels more possible than it once did.

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Now, to be clear, we're not saying these

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protests will definitely succeed. And

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it's worth keeping in mind that the

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regime has survived recurrent protests

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since really the early 2010s.

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Nonetheless, today's protests do feel

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different in certain respects, and more

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and more Iranians are apparently

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thinking about what might come after the

7:19

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